Estonia's fading emigres

Come home, Estonians of the world. Estonian political leaders have long urged émigrés to return and help build a new democracy. Over the years, many have answered the call. But despite their efforts, the idea of émigrés as a group in decline is gaining ground.

On the surface, it appears Estonia's émigrés are becoming less politically influential. The current government is unusual as it lacks an émigré member. This is in contrast with both Latvia and Lithuania, where current presidents are returned émigrés.

But on a deeper level, the evidence of decline is less certain. In Estonia, there are currently three émigré parliamentarians - the highest total ever. The top-ranking civil servant in the country is Swedish-born. Several diplomats, professors, entrepreneurs and public activists have roots in the West.

Estonia's émigrés measure up well against Latvia and Lithuania. There are five émigré ex-ministers in both Estonia and Latvia. An émigré has led the Estonian and Lithuanian armed forces. The facts are surprising given Estonia's émigré pool is a tenth as large as its neighbors.

But these achievements don't placate Estonians abroad, who complain their influence peaked long ago. Toronto, Stockholm and New York were once centers of Estonian political and cultural life. Émigrés were once equal partners with dissidents in plotting the Soviet Union's demise.

So is it just sour grapes for some outsiders who had hoped to shape a new Estonia? Well, no. It's natural and desirable that home-grown Estonians be the architects of their society. But it's also apparent that the émigré success in Tallinn has not carried over to the émigrés abroad. The returnees serve the needs of local voters, customers and students. Estonians abroad are not part of the equation.

It's no surprise that émigré issues have disappeared from Estonian politics. A case in point is the Estonian government's 1998 decision to end visa-free travel for Canadians. The government believed it could force Canada into a reciprocal visa agreement but succeeded only in annoying travelers and creating an obstacle with its largest colony.

The émigré community itself is partly to blame. It has scant ability to articulate its interests in Estonia. The émigrés are trapped in a time warp.

Their institutions are designed to meet to old goals: maintain the community and help Estonia win independence. As such, émigré institutions are good at teaching and activism.

But the time for protests is long over and a new mission is needed.

It's clear that this mission will involve supporting Estonia's development. But this civic activity is more difficult than organizing rallies. Existing civic projects are basically independent operations. What's needed is a community-wide coordinated effort and, sometimes, choosing sides in Estonian politics to further that effort.

Tallinn also needs to rethink its dealings with émigrés. The insistence that émigrés "come home" is mystifying. I wouldn't discourage anyone from trying it; I've done it, and it was a great experience. But few people have the resources or skills for it.

Most importantly, Estonian leaders need to encourage émigrés to be more assertive. The case is not being made in Estonia that an active émigré community with distinct interests is a good thing - and not foreign meddling in domestic affairs.

There are encouraging signs that Estonian leaders are realizing a potential resource is being underused. Plans have been announced to provide funds to support émigré activities and create new networks. But little is being done to stop the opportunity passing by.