Diplomatic Mission: From Skuodas to the White House – Vygaudas Usackas, Lithuania’s extraordinary diplomat

Vygaudas Usackas, a well-known Lithuanian diplomat and former Minister of Foreign Affairs, who, in various capacities, has met separately with Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin on multiple occasions – both in very formal and more intimate settings – has published his memoir, Diplomatic Mission: From Skuodas to the White House, which has become a blockbuster bestseller. The Baltic Times Magazine spoke with the extraordinary diplomat not only about the book, but also about what may lie ahead for the Baltics and Europe in an increasingly tension-filled world.

Let’s be honest: not many top-tier Lithuanian politicians, including ambassadors, have published memoirs. Do you feel you’re filling the gap, offering readers firsthand stories, straight from the horse’s mouth? 

The decision to write this memoir stems from a desire to share the personal experiences and insights I’ve gained throughout a 30-year diplomatic career. 

By documenting the evolution of Lithuanian and EU diplomacy and addressing international challenges such as conflict in Afghanistan or Russia’s war against Ukraine, my aim was to offer valuable lessons for future diplomats, military, policymakers, and anyone interested in understanding the complexities of global relations.

This memoir fills a notable gap in the literature by offering a firsthand account of the challenges, decisions, and behind-the-scenes efforts that have shaped Lithuania’s diplomatic journey over the past three decades. 

One such story is that of the “Vilnius 10”, a coalition of Central European countries aspiring to NATO membership between 2000 and 2004. We worked shoulder to shoulder, lobbying the U.S. Senate and Administration. The result was historic: 86 Senators voted in favor of our accession, with none opposed. In these pages, I also recount how we tackled the “Kaliningrad puzzle,” including how we ultimately received a public statement from the Commander of the Baltic Fleet assuring that Lithuania’s NATO membership would not pose a threat to Kaliningrad.

I share candid stories of working with my Estonian and Latvian colleagues in Washington D.C – our "three musketeers" dynamic, at times collaborative, at times contentious. I reflect on the critical support we received from organizations such as the American Jewish Committee, the Polish American Congress, and various Central European diaspora communities during the NATO ratification process in the U.S. Senate.

As the first appointed EU Ambassador following the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty in 2010, I also offer an insider's view into the evolving nature of EU diplomacy – from engaging with the Taliban in negotiations to witnessing surreal moments like former German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder giving a ride to President Vladimir Putin and European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker in an old Soviet-era Volga.

You served as the EU Ambassador to the Russian Federation from September 1, 2013, to October 1, 2017. How many times did you meet with President Vladimir Putin? What impression did he leave on you?

During my four-year tenure in Moscow, I had a dozen opportunities to meet President Vladimir Putin in person. Most of these were brief and formal encounters at concerts, receptions, or other official functions. However, I also had the opportunity to participate in two more intimate, in-depth meetings that lasted several hours, involving negotiations between President Putin and EU leaders.

The first was in Brussels during the last EU-Russia Summit in January 2014. The second took place in St. Petersburg on June 16, 2016, when President Putin hosted the President of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker.

The impression President Putin left on me was of a leader who intentionally positions himself as superior and often employs a manipulative demeanor in meetings. When he chooses to, he can be courteous, reserved, even engaging. But if provoked or displeased, he can quickly turn assertive and at times, intimidating.

One consistent trait was his remarkable command of details, particularly regarding economic data. He often cited specific figures about gas exports to Europe, pipeline capacities, and production volumes, which sometimes caught Western leaders off guard and were unprepared to engage at that level of technical detail.

Conversely, his generally calculated and composed manner could become noticeably emotional when the topic of Ukraine arose. He clearly viewed – and continues to view – Ukraine as part of a “greater Russia” and as a critical buffer against Western influence. Whether out of conviction or convenience, he frequently adopted a religiously infused narrative, asserting that Ukrainians and Russians belong to the same people, the same Orthodox Church, and share a common destiny. In this context, Ukraine’s pursuit of EU and NATO membership was framed by him as not only misguided but as a direct threat to Russia’s security.

Do you believe that the Baltic states are next on Putin’s list?

As I’ve said, the Baltic states and other European countries face a long-term clash of worldviews with Putin’s Russia. While I do not see Russia is currently preparing to attack any NATO member state, the history of the Baltic states reminds us not to be complacent, especially considering Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine and previous aggression against Georgia.

That’s why Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland are at the forefront of efforts within NATO to increase defense spending, strengthen and expand their military capabilities, and host U.S. and allied deterrent forces.

Alongside these defensive measures, I believe we must also be assertive in our communication with the Kremlin. It should be made unequivocally clear that any aggression against a NATO member would provoke devastating consequences for Russia, including and especially regarding Kaliningrad, a heavily militarized Russian exclave surrounded by NATO territory.

 You appear to have a friendly, understanding view of U.S. President Donald Trump, who unsettles many Lithuanian politicians due to his friendliness toward Russia and his hostile stance on Ukraine. You’ve met him several times. What impresses you about him? And what concerns you about Trump-era White House policies, particularly regarding Russia and U.S.-backed security in Europe?

I had the privilege of meeting Donald Trump twice at Mar-a-Lago in 2004 and 2005, and since then, I’ve followed his evolution into politics with keen interest. We share mutual friends in both political and business circles, and I’ve had the opportunity to play a round of golf with him in a friendly competition, an experience that offered a window into how he thinks, acts, and communicates.

His directness and willingness to engage in unconventional dialogue may strike some as refreshing. He also possesses a distinctive and surprisingly warm sense of humor. Whether one agrees with him or not, Trump is undeniably a talented investor, businessman, dealmaker, and a remarkably successful politician. We may disagree with his views or decisions, but we cannot dismiss the influence he wields as the head of state of the United States, the most critical ally for the security and territorial integrity of the Baltic States. It is in our national interest to engage constructively with him as he pursues his own vision of "Making America Great Again."

President Trump is, in many ways, rewriting the rules of international and domestic engagement. We, Europeans, have had ample time to prepare for this shift. As early as July 2024, I warned in my public commentary and private briefings that Europe urgently needed to propose a New Deal with Trump’s America – one that acknowledges his "America First" priorities, his pivot toward the Pacific, and his interest in ending the war between Russia and Ukraine through a negotiated settlement.

That said, he has consistently reaffirmed support for NATO and U.S. commitments to the Baltic States. He continues to push European allies to invest more in their own defense and encourages them to demonstrate military capability in action, not just rhetoric. On this point, I view Trump’s approach as both reassuring and very helpful indeed.

As we work alongside allies – German, British, French, Polish, Swedish, and others – to build European military capabilities especially in the Baltic region that match those of the U.S., our goal remains clear: to maintain a robust U.S. military presence in the region, and to strengthen our partnership with the "new sheriff" in the White House and whoever that may be in four years. 

Reality and facts must guide our policy choices and actions. A recent study by the Kiehl Institute showed that, to defend the Baltic States, Poland, and Finland, at least 300,000 well-trained and well-equipped troops are needed, along with integrated command and control, logistics, air defense, and intelligence capabilities. 

Some of your stories, particularly those from your time as the EU Special Representative and Head of Delegation in Afghanistan, are gripping. You reveal the scale of operations under your leadership – bold hostage rescue missions, negotiations with Taliban leaders, and pressure from Russian intelligence services. What guiding principle did you follow when deciding what to include – and what to leave out?

Indeed, throughout my career, I had the privilege of serving in some of the most complex and challenging diplomatic postings. In these roles, I witnessed many once-in-a-lifetime moments that tested not only my skills as a diplomat but also my values as a human being. One such moment occurred in Afghanistan, where I was faced with a profound ethical dilemma: whether to abide by archaic local laws that called for capital punishment for religious conversion, or to act in accordance with universal human values and my own conscience. I chose the latter, launching a morally exhausting and security-wise dangerous operation to free an imprisoned individual, all without informing my superiors in Brussels.

My memoir also recounts the intense personal cost of diplomacy. I describe how I was followed and attempted to be intimidated by Russian intelligence services for publicly denouncing the illegal annexation of Crimea and the war in Ukraine. For my outspoken advocacy and active public diplomacy in defense of Ukraine, I was even considered for designation as persona non grata by Russia. I also remind readers just how sensitive and controversial it was to adopt and implement the first EU sanctions against Russia. In the spring of 2014, as emotions ran high and positions hardened, a Moscow-based European businessman vented his frustration to The Moscow Times, declaring: “Sending a Lithuanian envoy (as EU ambassador) to Moscow is like sending an Israeli envoy to Iran.”

As a guiding principle in deciding what to include – and what to leave out – I aimed to present a comprehensive, concrete, yet coherent account of the events that truly mattered. 

Was Russia’s war in Ukraine a mistake? Or was Ukraine mistaken? And why, in your view, has the West failed to win it?

This question has many intricate dimensions, but one fact is clear: it was Russia that launched an unprovoked aggression against Ukraine’s independence and territorial integrity.

Russia’s war in Ukraine can certainly be seen as a significant strategic mistake, particularly in its miscalculation of both Ukraine’s determination to resist and the West’s willingness to respond. At its core, Ukraine’s desire for sovereignty, independence, and closer integration with the EU and NATO reflects a legitimate aspiration for self-determination.

That said, we must also ask whether the West failed to effectively counter Russia’s aggression. Several factors come into play here: the lack of timely and decisive action on sanctions, an underestimation of the threat posed by Russia, and, at times, a shortage of political will. These shortcomings led to delayed responses that allowed the situation to escalate.

Furthermore, the challenge of maintaining unity among diverse EU member states, each with its own national interests, often hindered the development of a coherent, long-term strategy. And perhaps most importantly, the mutual hypocrisy between Moscow and Western leaders played a role in deepening the divide.

For too long, Western leaders spoke of building a “common space from Lisbon to Vladivostok” based solely on economic cooperation, while ignoring fundamental differences in values, particularly around the role of democratic opposition, judicial independence, media freedom, and civil liberties. 

In the end, what we witnessed was not just a geopolitical confrontation, but a deeper clash of worldviews – one that had been brewing silently for years.

You also worked as an executive at Avia Solutions Group (ASG), a global aerospace business, before stepping away in 2024 to launch your own company. Can you tell us more about that transition and the company you run now?

Indeed, for almost five years, I worked at Avia Solutions Group PLC (ASG), the world's largest ACMI aircraft lease provider, as a Member of the Board of Directors and Business Development Executive. I was responsible for identifying and leading business opportunities in new markets, thereby contributing significantly to the Group’s growth and development.

Lithuanians can take pride in ASG, a truly global company with its roots in Lithuania. Today, it operates in 68 countries and employs over 14,000 people worldwide.

A year ago, I decided to embark on a new journey and founded my own company: V.U. Business Linking LTD. Based in Paphos, Cyprus, a strategic location at the crossroads of Europe and the Middle East. At V.U. Business Linking, I primarily assist US-based artificial intelligence startups, from healthcare to security and defense sectors, in expanding into new markets. 

And finally, where can people purchase your book, in both print and digital formats?

If you haven’t picked up a copy yet, it’s available at VAGA bookshops across the country. You can also order my book online: https://vaga.lt/diplomatine-misija-nuo-skuodo-iki-baltuju-rumu

What makes this book truly unique is that it’s the first AI-equipped book of its kind. Readers can interact with my digital knowledge twin, “Vygaudas AI,” developed in collaboration with Prifina, a San Francisco–based technology company.

Scan the QR code inside the book to start a conversation with Vygaudas AI. You’ll be able to ask questions on any topic, explore my insights, and receive intelligent, personalized responses.

Give it a try: https://hey.speak-to.ai/vygaudas-usackas
Thank you for the interview.